"the full-scale construction of communism" was covered up by the lack of thought, voluntarism and elementary carelessness in Khrushchev's economic policy.

The program of "extensive construction of communism"

The second important circumstance was that the new theoretical constructions made it possible to "set the base" and justify "in terms of the communist tomorrow"

a number of innovations in recent years. This found its fullest expression in Khrushchev's development of the "theory of communist society", which degenerated into pure projecting, into a vivid and significant example Soviet official mythmaking.

The concept of "full-scale construction of communism" became the core of the third program of the CPSU and was adopted in October 1961 at the 22nd Congress. The special solemnity of the event was given by the fact that the delegates gathered for the first time in the newly built Kremlin Palace of Congresses, which became a symbol of the coming new era. This congress, contrary to the established order, did not consider national economic plans, but focused exclusively on new program documents - the program and the charter of the party.

The congress stated that "the high road to socialism has been paved. Many peoples are already following it. Sooner or later, all peoples will follow it." Thus, the onset of communism was recognized as an inevitable and universal law, and its construction was declared the highest goal of the CPSU. This situation obliged us to define a "universal world tomorrow" and formulate a program for its approach. In the third program, the following definition of communism was written:

Communism is a classless social system with a single public ownership of the means of production, complete social equality of all members of society, where, along with the all-round development of people, the productive forces will grow on the basis of constantly developing science and technology, all sources of social wealth will flow in full flow and the great principle will be realized. "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs." Communism is a highly organized society of free and conscious workers, in which social self-government will be established, work for the good of society will become for all the first vital need, a recognized necessity, the abilities of each will be used with the greatest benefit for the people.

The utopianism of this text today, of course, is striking. But even in the early 1960s, he evoked a wide range of feelings: sincere delight at the boldness of the plans, but to a greater extent - skepticism, numerous jokes and anecdotes. Nevertheless, this good, but out of touch with life, abstract idea of ​​communism became the core of all subsequent Soviet propaganda, the methodological basis of the social sciences and the determination of the internal policy of the party..

The building of communism in the USSR was associated by the CPSU with the solution of the "triune task": the creation of the material and technical base (MTB) of a new society, the development of communist social relations, and the education of a new person. The next 20 years were assigned to the creation of the material and technical base of communism. In the first decade (from 1961 to 1970), it was planned to overtake the United States in per capita output. And by 1980, the construction of the material and technical base was supposed to be completed, creating an abundance of material and cultural benefits for the entire population.

Even concrete, amazing figures were outlined. The creation of the MTB of communism included: the complete electrification of the country and the comprehensive mechanization of production processes, the development of new efficient branches of production, the rational use of material and labor resources, and the high cultural and technical level of the workers. The most vulnerable point of these fantasies was, of course, the real state of agriculture, which did not inspire optimism. The way out of the situation was seen in the implementation of the second set of conditions associated with the "development of communist relations" in the countryside. As a result of this, "the merger of properties through the economic flourishing of the collective farm system" was to take place, the ways to achieve which, however, were not specified, but were set out in a faceless formula for combining "material interest, personal and state interests with the tasks of building communism." All this was supplemented by guidelines in the "field of improving the material well-being of the people." The needs of citizens were supposed to be satisfied in two ways - by raising individual wages, combined with a decrease in retail prices, and by expanding public consumption funds, the growth rates of which would allegedly increase all the time.

The "development of socialist social relations into communist ones" was declared, in the course of which the modern state of the whole people should gradually die out, and national differences should be erased. However, the withering away of the state was not to take place soon, since this required the fulfillment of two conditions: the building of a communist society as an internal condition, as well as the victory and consolidation of socialism in the international arena as an external one. As a counterbalance to the "moribund state," the thesis was put forward that the role of the party "as a tried and tested vanguard and the highest form of social organization" would increase more and more.

Particular emphasis was placed on the education of a new person. It assumed the formation of a Marxist-Leninist worldview among all Soviet people, their education in the spirit of communism, labor education and the development of a communist attitude to work, etc. The program was complemented by the "moral code of the builder of communism", which included the moral precepts of all times and peoples, combined with devotion to communist ideals.

The implementation of all this idle talk had to begin immediately, relying on the "sprouts of the future" available in society. One of them was the "movement for a communist attitude to work."

"Movement for a communist attitude to work"

This movement perfectly demonstrates both an attempt at a new turn in public consciousness and the mentality of the Khrushchev generation of leaders who were formed during the years of the "socialist offensive": to urgently find "sprouts of communism" in everyday life or, at worst, grow them artificially. The “initiators” of the movement “for a communist attitude to work” were declared to be communists and Komsomol members of the famous Moscow-Sortirovochnaya depot, where in 1919 the first communist subbotnik took place, which Lenin called the “great initiative”. In October 1958, holding a similar event, they came up with the slogans of "combining the struggle for highly productive labor, raising general educational and technical knowledge with the strengthening of socialist collectivism, and the education of communist morality." The motto of the new movement was also formulated - "Learn to work and live in a communist way." "Lighthouses" were not just the leaders of production, but workers,

combining shock work with studying at an evening institute, amateur performances, etc. The movement has turned into a powerful propaganda campaign. For the "communist attitude to work" they had to fight not alone, but with whole brigades, workshops and enterprises, which would emphasize the collectivist spirit and the nature of future social relations. Naturally, in the overwhelming majority of cases, the matter did not go beyond appeals. The complete formalism of the campaign is evidenced by the growth rate of the participants in the movement: if at the end of 1958 35 thousand work collectives participated in the competition for the title of communist labor brigades, then in May 1960 - more than 5 million people, and in 1961 - already more 20 million. Thus, the number of participants in the movement was 2 times higher than the number of the Communist Party and amounted to 10% of the entire working-age population of the country. In other words, everyone was registered as the participants of the mass action, turning it into an absolute profanation. Each new labor initiative now fit into the general mainstream of the movement. The number of "shock workers of communist labor" also grew at no less rapid pace.

Under the slogan "the transformation of labor into the first vital necessity of every person," it was possible to significantly lower prices for production. In the countryside, the movement "for a communist attitude to work" was transformed into a very peculiar "campaign for a better use of agricultural machinery, for ensuring that every tractor, every machine is in safe hands." This was an urgent need, due to a sharp shortage of tractors and combines. The reasons for the shortage were the "swelling" of all resources into the virgin lands, as well as the financial insolvency of the collective farms, after they were forced to buy equipment from the MTS. The sown area continued to grow rapidly, especially due to corn, the load per unit of equipment increased.

Thus, socialist competition had to acquire a new shell. In fact, its profanation led to the emasculation of the communist myth, its transformation from a beautiful dream into a meaningless red velvet pennant. Propaganda more and more went into isolation from reality, instead of an optimistic creative idea, people got another dogma that fills the teeth. Between the tragedy of the past, constant economic and food difficulties and the communist myth, a vacuum arose, and this "black hole" rapidly increased from year to year..

public sentiment

1962 marked the collapse of Khrushchev's domestic policy. Throughout the first half of the year, discontent from below grew. In the first half of the year, the KGB recorded 2 times more leaflets than in the same period last year. Here and there, "anti-Soviet organizations" arose, whose members were arrested. There was a flood of letters to all central organs, written by representatives of all walks of life, and 47% of them were under the age of 30.

Economic difficulties continued to increase rapidly, grocery store shelves were empty, and ration cards were introduced for some products. In June 1962, the government raised retail prices for meat, milk, and butter, motivating its decision by the need to rapidly increase livestock production. Among the responses to this event is the following leaflet:

Ilyich, Ilyich, wake up And deal with Khrushchev:

Vodka costs 27, Sala, no meat at all.

We will approach communism - And we will not find cabbage.

The price increase sparked protests that were recorded across the country. The main demand of the people was that the state should find funds and not raise prices, not solve economic problems at the expense of the people. There was indignation at the aid to the socialist and developing countries. Rallies of workers and employees were held in Leningrad, Kyiv, Moscow, Riga, calls for strikes were recorded in Ivanovo, Magnitogorsk. The events in Novocherkassk turned into a tragedy, where the increase in food prices coincided with the reduction in prices at the electric locomotive plant. On June 1, a spontaneous meeting arose here, which was joined by more and more workers. With slogans, red flags and portraits of Lenin, the workers moved to the city committee of the party. Negotiations were held between the protesters and the leadership of the city. Members of the Presidium and secretaries of the Central Committee of the CPSU Kozlov, Mikoyan, Polyansky, Kirilenko, Ilyichev, Shelepin arrived in Novocherkassk in a hurry. In agreement with Khrushchev, tanks and troops were sent to the plant. The crowd in the square in front of the city party committee was shot in cold blood. Although the soldiers tried to shoot over their heads, the number of victims was 24 people who were secretly buried. 49 people were arrested, 116 were prosecuted. From August 14 to August 20, 1962, a trial took place in Novocherkassk, which found 14 people guilty of organizing the riots. 7 people were sentenced to death, while the rest received 10 to 15 years in prison. Despite the fact that these events were carefully concealed, the echo of the tragedy swept across the country. After the events in Novocherkassk, numerous decisions were made at the top to strengthen political control, the functions of the KGB organs were expanded, and the fight against antisocial sentiments was intensified. In July 1962, article 70 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR was adopted, which restored political repressions.

A society "rocked" by de-Stalinization due to a failed economic policy

not inspired by the communist myth . There was too big a gulf between fairy tale and life. It was not possible to give the energy of people a positive, creative direction. The result was an increased indifference, a feeling of deceived hopes.

Crisis of Khrushchev's domestic policy

After the events in Novocherkassk, Khrushchev's authority fell even further. In this situation, he decided to use the already proven move - to re-use the de-Stalinization card, spinning its new round. At the 22nd Congress, Khrushchev returns to the revelations of the "cult of personality" period. It was then that Molotov, Kaganovich, Malenkov and other members of the "anti-party group" were expelled from the party. But the strongest public outcry was caused by the decision of the congress to remove the coffin with Stalin's body from the Mausoleum and bury it near the Kremlin wall. However, the resumption of de-Stalinization, even in such a form, designed for a deep social shock, could no longer change anything in the position of Khrushchev himself. Society was tired of revelations, people already knew a lot about mass repressions, and Khrushchev's actions were already assessed as an unworthy settling of scores, rather than as a sincere desire for justice and historical truth.

The 22nd Congress of the CPSU, held in October 1961 adopted the Program of the CPSU, which, in particular, stated that by 1980 the foundations of a communist society would be created in the USSR.

PROGRAM
COMMUNIST PARTY

The Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) is now adopting its third Program, the program for building a communist society. The new Program creatively summarizes the practice of building socialism, takes into account the experience of the revolutionary movement throughout the world, and, expressing the collective thought of the Party, defines the main tasks and main stages of communist construction. The highest goal of the party is to build a communist society, on the banner of which is inscribed: "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs." The slogan of the party will be fully realized: "Everything is in the name of man, for the good of man."

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Part one

TRANSITION FROM CAPITALISM TO COMMUNISM —
THE PATH OF HUMANITY DEVELOPMENT

Partsecond

TASKS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE SOVIET UNION
FOR BUILDING A COMMUNIST SOCIETY

VII. Party in the period of extensive construction of communism

SOVIET UNION

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"From January 27 to February 5, 1959, the 21st Congress of the CPSU was held in Moscow, at which the conclusion was declared about the "complete and final victory of socialism in the USSR" and the beginning of the "full-scale construction of communism" was announced, for which a seven-year plan for the development of the people's economy for 1959-1965. The plan set specific goals - to "catch up and overtake" America and come out on top in the world in per capita production ... At the XXII Congress of the CPSU, the third program of the party became public - the program for the structure of communist society in the USSR (the first program was adopted at the II Congress of the RSDLP in 1903, the second at the VIII Congress of the RCP (b) in 1919. The fact that socialism won a complete victory in our country was already announced in 1959 It was proclaimed a new task to create the material and technical base of communism in 10 years (1961-1971). basically" communist society. Even specific figures were "calculated" for building communism within a specified period. Thus, the volume of industrial output for 20 years was to increase by at least 6 times. For this, labor productivity was supposed to increase more than 2 times in 10 years, and in 20 years - to double the current level of labor productivity in the United States. It was planned to reduce the working week to 35 hours, to provide free maintenance of children in kindergartens at the expense of society, to introduce free use of apartments, utilities, transport, etc.

Contrary to forecasts, the communist romanticism of the third program of the CPSU was not supported by real achievements. Moreover, in the early 1960s the government took an unpopular step - it announced a price increase. On May 31, 1962, the Central Committee of the CPSU informed the population about a 35% increase in purchase prices for livestock, poultry, animal butter and cream from June 1. At the same time, retail prices increased by 25-30%. In order to somehow smooth out the unfavorable impression of the rise in food prices, the decree announced a reduction in prices for sugar, fabrics made from viscose fibers and woolen yarn.

The decision to raise prices immediately led to demonstrations in a number of cities: Riga, Kiev, Chelyabinsk, Leningrad, etc. But the discontent of the workers reached its apogee in Novocherkassk on June 1-3, 1962. The strike of workers grew into a demonstration there, which was shot by the troops mi. The authorities at all levels immediately characterized the performance as an attack by criminal elements. The chairman of the KGB, V.S. In the city, arrests of participants in the performance took place. On August 20, 1962, a trial began in Novocherkassk, at which the case of 14 activists of the June events was considered. 7 people were sentenced to death, the rest received 10-15 years in prison.

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"On October 13, 1964, Khrushchev, who was on vacation in Pitsunda, was urgently summoned to Moscow for a meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee, subjected to crushing criticism there, after which he was forced to sign a letter of resignation. At the plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU that opened after this, after Suslov's report, Khrushchev was removed from all party and state posts and retired, as reported in the newspapers, “due to advanced age and deteriorating health.” Let us ask ourselves: what was the plan for building communism proclaimed by Khrushchev “pure projecting, a bright and significant example of the Soviet official myth-making" or an economic project based on a solid foundation.

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"Kosygin's reform
Back in the late 1950s, economists L. Kantorovich, V. Nemchinov, V. Novozhilov and others tried to find an optimal planning model. In 1962, an article in Pravda by the economist Lieberman opened up a discussion about the role of profit in a socialist economy. Its essence boiled down to the fact that profit was to become one of the most important criteria for the operation of enterprises. Different kinds of opinions were expressed about the need for a transition to economic methods of management, the revival of commodity-money relations. In the spring of 1965, Nemchinov published an article in which the author proposed introducing a "self-supporting planning system." The idea was to form a plan from the bottom up - from the enterprise to the ministry. In essence, the plan was to become not so much a task as a state order, and the development of the social sphere of the enterprise depended on its implementation. These views, radical for those times, however, made the process of forming the plan much more time-consuming and requiring a significantly higher qualification of ministerial officials.
The results of the discussion were summed up in September 1965 at a plenum of the Central Committee. Reformist tendencies within the "collective leadership" were associated with the name of Kosygin. It was he who spoke at the plenum with a report "On improving the management of industry, improving planning and strengthening economic incentives for industrial production."
Kosygin was a representative of the technocratic reformers that formed in the 1930s. In 1939, at the age of 35, he became the people's commissar of the textile industry, and in 1940-1960. with short breaks, he was the first deputy chairman of the Council of People's Commissars - the Council of Ministers of the USSR. He led the State Planning Committee of the USSR, and after Khrushchev's resignation he became the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. Voznesensky and Malenkov. Kosygin witnessed the collapse of his ideological predecessors and, of course, never openly declared his sympathies, he was extremely cautious in pursuing his economic line. He considered the development of light industry as a priority, which formed the basis for the stability of the social situation in cities in the conditions of the rapidly developing process of urbanization.
Kosygin's report suggested abandoning the system of economic councils. The sectoral principle of industrial management was restored in order to achieve "a combination of centralization of management with the expansion of the operational and economic independence of enterprises." Thus, the expansion of the sphere of "grassroots planning" had to be combined with planning from the center. It was assumed that the ministries would on a scientific basis determine the strategy for the development of the industry and the main "directions, proportions and rates of economic development." This provision was followed by an important practical decision: the number of mandatory planned indicators was reduced to 9 instead of 30 in previous years. The main indicator of the work of enterprises and industries, instead of the volume of gross output, was the volume of sales, which, according to Kosygin, should have made production directly dependent on the consumer. It was planned to revive production by integrating into the planned-directive economy such economic levers as price, profit, credit, bonuses. Economic incentives were supposed to gradually strengthen cost accounting: the fulfillment of the plan and the efficient use of production assets at enterprises made it possible to allocate more funds from profits to incentive funds. These funds, in turn, became a source of development of production and improvement of technology, material incentives for workers and employees, for which bonuses and a "13th salary" were provided for at the end of the year. From incentive funds, the enterprise could spend money on improving working and living conditions, in particular, on housing construction.
Even with the ideal implementation of the program declared by Kosygin, it was about half-measures, which, for that time, undoubtedly looked exceptionally progressive. The half-hearted nature of economic initiatives initially laid contradictions at the heart of the reform. The peculiarity of the situation consisted in the combination of ideological control with the ideas of economic reform, the core of which was technocratic values. This eclectic combination was the result of compromises at the top and predetermined the mutual adaptation of these tendencies in the future, becoming a brake on the cardinal solution of all the main problems of internal development.
Both by nature and by virtue of the objective development of the situation, Kosygin was inclined to adapt, he never rigidly insisted on his views. At the same time, he quite consistently pursued a personnel policy, to a large extent contributed to the formation of a new layer of economic managers, the hallmarks of which were a good knowledge of production, truly state economic thinking, the ability to understand administrative and bureaucratic intricacies and lobby for the interests of their industries or giant enterprises. . However, these business executives did not imagine themselves outside the Soviet economic system, although they distanced themselves from questions of ideology, leaving them to be decided by specialists. ...

I came to the conclusion that fundamental changes had taken place since the adoption of the II Program of the Party. Proceeding from this, the congress decided that it was necessary to rework the Party Program. At the XX Congress of the CPSU, the Central Committee was instructed "to prepare a draft Program of the CPSU, based on the main provisions of the Marxist-Leninist theory, creatively developing on the basis of the historical experience of our party, the experience of the fraternal parties of the socialist countries, the experience and achievements of the entire international communist and workers' movement, as well as with taking into account the long-term plan being prepared for communist construction, development of the economy and culture of the Soviet Union.

To develop the draft Program, a working group was created, which was located in the sanatorium of the Department of Affairs of the Central Committee of the CPSU "Sosny", located in the near Moscow region, headed by Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU B. N. Ponomarev. Initial work on the creation of a draft of the new Program began in mid-1958, as a result, about 100 major scientists and specialists worked on it for three years.

By the spring of 1961, work on the project was completed, and its text was provided to N. S. Khrushchev. On 20, 21, 22 and 25 April he formulates his observations. After the appropriate revision, the draft Program was considered on May 24 at the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU and on June 19 at the Plenum of the Central Committee. On July 26, 1961, at a meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the text of the draft Program provided by the Program Commission was approved.

National discussion

On July 30, 1961, the text of the draft Program was published in the newspapers Pravda and Izvestia so that the population could familiarize themselves with it and express their suggestions and comments. Party cells sent reports to the center on the discussion of the draft Party Program. Newspapers and magazines were supposed to collect letters from the population that came to the editorial office and related to the draft Program, and sent them for processing and analysis to specially created working groups.

By September 15, 1961, 6 magazines and 20 newspapers received a total of 29,070 correspondence, of which 5,039 were published. In total, almost 44 million people attended party conferences and meetings of workers dedicated to the discussion of this document, and taking into account letters to local newspapers, party organs, radio and television, according to the data cited by A.V. Pyzhikov, the number of correspondence is 17080.

Structure

• Introduction

• Part One: TRANSITION FROM CAPITALISM TO COMMUNISM - THE PATH OF HUMANITY DEVELOPMENT
  1. The historical inevitability of the transition from capitalism to socialism
  2. The World-Historical Significance of the October Revolution and the Victory of Socialism in the USSR
  3. World system of socialism
  4. Crisis of world capitalism
  5. International revolutionary movement of the working class
  6. National Liberation Movement
  7. Fight against bourgeois and reformist ideology
  8. Peaceful coexistence and the struggle for universal peace

• Part Two: TASKS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE SOVIET UNION IN BUILDING A COMMUNIST SOCIETY Communism is the bright future of all mankind
  1. The tasks of the party in the field of economic construction, the creation and development of the material and technical base of communism
     1. The development of industry, construction, transport, their role in the creation of the productive forces of communism
     2. Development of agriculture and social relations in the countryside
     3. Management of the national economy and planning
  2. Tasks of the Party in the field of raising the material well-being of the people
  3. Tasks of the Party in the Field of State Building and Further Development of Socialist Democracy
     1. Councils and the development of democratic principles of public administration
     2. Further enhancement of the role of public organizations. State and communism
     3. Strengthening the Armed Forces and the defense capability of the Soviet Union
  4. Tasks of the party in the field of national relations
  5. Tasks of the party in the field of ideology, upbringing, education, science and culture
     1. In the field of education of communist consciousness
     2. In the field of public education
     3. In the field of science
     4. In the field of cultural construction, literature and art
  6. The building of communism in the USSR and the cooperation of the socialist countries
  7. Party in the period of extensive construction of communism

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Notes

Literature

• Fokin A. A. Chelyabinsk, 2007

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An excerpt characterizing the Third Program of the CPSU

Several officers ran up to him. On the right side of the abdomen, a large bloodstain spread across the grass.
The called militia with stretchers stopped behind the officers. Prince Andrei lay on his chest, his face down to the grass, and heaved, snoring, breathing.
- What's up, come on!
The peasants came up and took him by the shoulders and legs, but he groaned plaintively, and the peasants, after exchanging glances, let him go again.
- Take it, put it, everything is the same! shouted a voice. Another time they took him by the shoulders and put him on a stretcher.
- Oh my god! My God! What is it?.. Belly! This is the end! Oh my god! voices were heard among the officers. “It buzzed by a hair’s breadth,” said the adjutant. The peasants, having adjusted the stretcher on their shoulders, hurriedly set off along the path they had trodden to the dressing station.
- Walk in step ... Eh! .. peasant! - the officer shouted, stopping by the shoulders the peasants who were walking unevenly and shaking the stretcher.
“Make things right, Khvedor, but Khvedor,” said the man in front.
“That's it, it's important,” said the rear one happily, hitting the leg.
- Your Excellency? A? Prince? - Timokhin ran up in a trembling voice, looking into the stretcher.
Prince Andrei opened his eyes and looked from behind the stretcher, into which his head was deeply buried, at the one who spoke, and again lowered his eyelids.
The militia brought Prince Andrei to the forest, where the wagons stood and where there was a dressing station. The dressing station consisted of three spread out tents with rolled-up floors on the edge of a birch forest. There were wagons and horses in the birch forest. Horses in the ridges ate oats, and sparrows flew to them and picked up spilled grains. Crows, smelling blood, cawing impatiently, flew over on birches. Around the tents, more than two acres of space, lay, sat, stood bloody people in various clothes. Around the wounded, with dull and attentive faces, crowds of porter soldiers stood, who were vainly driven away from this place by the officers in charge of order. Not listening to the officers, the soldiers stood, leaning on the stretcher, and intently, as if trying to understand the difficult meaning of the spectacle, looked at what was happening in front of them. Loud, angry cries, then plaintive moans were heard from the tents. From time to time paramedics ran out of there for water and pointed to those that had to be brought in. The wounded, waiting at the tent for their turn, wheezed, moaned, cried, shouted, cursed, asked for vodka. Some were delusional. Prince Andrei, as a regimental commander, walking over the unbandaged wounded, was carried closer to one of the tents and stopped, waiting for orders. Prince Andrei opened his eyes and for a long time could not understand what was happening around him. Meadow, wormwood, arable land, a black spinning ball and his passionate outburst of love for life came to his mind. Two paces from him, speaking loudly and drawing general attention to himself, stood leaning on a bough and with his head tied, a tall, handsome, black-haired non-commissioned officer. He was wounded in the head and leg by bullets. Around him, eagerly listening to his speech, a crowd of wounded and porters gathered.
- We fucked him up like that, so we threw everything away, they took the king himself! shouted the soldier, shining with black, heated eyes and looking around him. - Come only at that very time, the reserve, his b, my brother, there is no rank left, therefore I tell you right ...
Prince Andrei, like everyone around the narrator, looked at him with a brilliant look and experienced a consoling feeling. But isn't it all the same now, he thought. – What will happen there and what was it here? Why did I feel so sorry for losing my life? There was something in this life that I did not understand and do not understand.

One of the doctors, in a bloody apron and with bloodied small hands, in one of which he held a cigar between his little finger and thumb (so as not to stain it), left the tent. This doctor raised his head and began to look around, but above the wounded. He obviously wanted to rest a little. Moving his head to the right and left for some time, he sighed and lowered his eyes.
“Well, now,” he said to the words of the paramedic, who pointed him to Prince Andrei, and ordered him to be carried to the tent.
A murmur arose from the crowd of waiting wounded.
“It can be seen that in the next world the masters live alone,” said one.
Prince Andrey was brought in and placed on a table that had just been cleared, from which the paramedic was rinsing something. Prince Andrei could not make out separately what was in the tent. Plaintive groans from all sides, excruciating pain in the thigh, abdomen and back entertained him. Everything that he saw around him merged for him into one general impression of a naked, bloody human body, which seemed to fill the entire low tent, just as a few weeks ago on this hot August day this same body filled a dirty pond along the Smolensk road. . Yes, it was the same body, the same chair a canon [meat for cannons], the sight of which even then, as if predicting the present, aroused horror in him.
There were three tables in the tent. Two were occupied, Prince Andrei was placed on the third. For some time he was left alone, and he involuntarily saw what was being done on the other two tables. A Tatar, probably a Cossack, was sitting on the near table, according to his uniform, which had been thrown beside him. Four soldiers held him. A doctor in glasses was cutting something in his brown, muscular back.
- Wow, wow, wow! .. - the Tatar seemed to grunt, and suddenly, raising his big-cheeked black snub-nosed face upwards, baring his white teeth, he began to tear, twitch and squeal with a piercing ringing, drawn-out squeal. On another table, near which a lot of people were crowding, a large, plump man was lying on his back with his head thrown back (curly hair, its color and shape of the head seemed strangely familiar to Prince Andrei). Several paramedics fell on the man's chest and held him. A large, white, plump leg quickly and often, without ceasing, twitched with feverish flutters. This man sobbed convulsively and choked. Two doctors silently - one was pale and trembling - were doing something on the other, red leg of this man. Having dealt with the Tatar, who was thrown over his overcoat, the doctor in glasses, wiping his hands, went up to Prince Andrei. He looked into the face of Prince Andrei and hastily turned away.

History of creation

To develop the draft Program, a working group was created, which was located in the sanatorium of the Department of Affairs of the Central Committee of the CPSU "Sosny", located in the near Moscow region, headed by Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU B. N. Ponomarev. Initial work on the creation of a draft of the new Program began in mid-1958, as a result, about 100 major scientists and specialists worked on it for three years.

By the spring of 1961, work on the project was completed, and its text was provided to N. S. Khrushchev. On 20, 21, 22 and 25 April he formulates his observations. After the appropriate revision, the draft Program was considered on May 24 at the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU and on June 19 at the Plenum of the Central Committee. On July 26, 1961, at a meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the text of the draft Program provided by the Program Commission was approved.

National discussion

On July 30, 1961, the text of the draft Program was published in the newspapers Pravda and Izvestia so that the population could familiarize themselves with it and express their suggestions and comments. Party cells sent reports to the center on the discussion of the draft Party Program. Newspapers and magazines were supposed to collect letters from the population that came to the editorial office and related to the draft Program, and sent them for processing and analysis to specially created working groups.

By September 15, 1961, 6 magazines and 20 newspapers received a total of 29,070 correspondence, of which 5,039 were published. In total, almost 44 million people attended party conferences and meetings of workers dedicated to the discussion of this document, and taking into account letters to local newspapers, party organs, radio and television, according to the data cited by A.V. Pyzhikov, the number of correspondence is 17080.

Notes

Links

• Fokin A. A. Images of the communist future in the power and population of the USSR at the turn of the 1950s-1960s. DISSERTATION for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. Chelyabinsk, 2007

Wikimedia Foundation. 2010 .

• Third Pad (station)
• Third River

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Proletarians of all countries, unite!

Our peoples are going through one of the most tragic periods in the thousand-year history of Russia and the Soviet Union. Started in the late 1980s, with the direct assistance of the Gorbachev-Yakovlev-Shevardnadze group of political treason, the open offensive of imperialist reaction ended in a counter-revolutionary coup in 1991-1993. Criminally, contrary to the decision of the National Referendum on March 17, 1991, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was destroyed. Power in the former republics of the USSR has passed into the hands of the forces that are restoring capitalism.

The main contradiction of society was the antagonism between labor and capital, between the majority of the impoverished people and the wealthy minority. In society, through criminal privatization, a private capitalist type of ownership of the main means of production was forcibly formed. Power was seized by the bourgeois class, headed by oligarchs-plutocrats and state bureaucrats, who pursued a policy of exploitation and oppression of the working people. There is a merging of the big bourgeoisie and the highest state bureaucracy, the subordination of the corrupt state apparatus to their interests. The disintegration of the productive forces continues. The main achievements of socialism have been eliminated - the state-guaranteed rights to work, to housing, to free education and treatment, and to personal security. In the states on the territory of the destroyed USSR, the ideology and policy of militant nationalism and anti-communism are being implanted, which led to fratricidal wars.

But the victory of reaction is temporary. The working people are convinced by their personal experience that capitalism, which is being imposed on the peoples, is a backward movement, towards poverty and lack of rights, mass unemployment, semi-colonial existence. The protest of the working people against the anti-people policy of the bourgeois regimes is growing and expanding, society is entering a time of acute class struggle. The mass communist movement is being revived, and the influence of the communist parties on the masses is growing.

At the 29th Congress, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was temporarily reorganized into the Union of Communist Parties - the CPSU of states formed on the territory of the USSR. The strengthening of the Union of Communist Parties - the CPSU, the creation of united republican parties, their vigorous activity are an important political condition for the re-establishment of the Soviet union state and a united Communist Party.

The program contains fundamental provisions, general goals and tasks of the Union of Communist Parties - CPSU, which are specified taking into account the conditions.

I. Basic principles and goals of the UPC - CPSU

The UPC-CPSU is a voluntary, international union of equal communist parties operating in the former republics of the USSR.

The UPC-CPSU is an alliance of communist parties, the ideological and organizational basis of which is the creatively developing Marxism-Leninism, proletarian internationalism, and democratic centralism.

The UPC-CPSU is a union of party camaraderie, the purpose of which is to collectively develop problems common to the communist parties, coordinate political actions, exchange experience in political activity, and ensure the unity of action of the communists.

The main goals of the SKP - CPSU:

Restoration of democracy in the form of Soviets of working people's deputies, councils of labor collectives and other forms of self-government of the people;

The return of large property through socialist nationalization: land, natural resources, key sectors of the economy to the true owner - the working people, who delegate the right of ownership to the state and labor collectives. The form of ownership determines the type of socio-economic formation. The class that owns the main means of production has the power;

Social and economic security of workers, ensuring social justice in society: the elimination of exploitation and national oppression, a guaranteed right to work and its remuneration according to the final results, free education and medical care, affordable housing and social security, personal security, the unity of the rights and duties of each person;

The return of the country to the socialist path of development, meaning the restoration of public ownership of the main means of production, genuine socialist democracy, the transition through a series of successive stages to the highest phase of communism;

Reconstruction on a voluntary basis and socialist principles of a union state of sovereign equal republics of fraternal Soviet peoples.

II. Socialism and capitalism

The 20th century was marked by an unrelenting struggle between capitalism and socialism. The events that have shaken and continue to shake the world are based on the rapid progress of the productive forces, the scientific and technological revolution, which has accelerated the course of socio-political processes throughout the world.

The struggle for the possession of increased social wealth pushed the most aggressive imperialist states to unleash two world wars. Imperialism gave rise to bloody fascism - a bourgeois-nationalist dictatorship based on mass terror, the domination of one nation over another. The indignation of the working people at social inequality, the growth of their human dignity and class consciousness, gave rise to a whole period of socialist and national liberation revolutions. The colonial system collapsed. The process of transition from capitalism to socialism began on a worldwide scale.

The growing process of socialization of production, the aggravation of the contradictions of imperialism forced the capitalist countries to take into account the experience of the Soviet Union, to use socialist methods of state regulation of economic life, modifying them for their own needs. In some countries, this was the direct nationalization of basic industries, in others, the accumulation of a significant part of the national income in the state budget and its direction for financing social assistance measures, government orders, including research, support for the agricultural sector, etc.

But no matter how capitalism is reformed, its essence remains the exploitation of hired workers, that is, the gratuitous appropriation by the owners of the means of production and capital of the results of other people's labor in the form of surplus value. Thus, economic and social inequality and antagonism between the various classes and countries of the capitalist world are preserved. Moreover, using the factor of the destruction of the Soviet Union, the ruling classes seek to minimize the social rights and guarantees obtained by the working people in the previous period. In response, the protest movement of the working class, the peasantry and the working intelligentsia is growing.

Within the framework of the world system of capitalism, the uneven development and exploitation of some countries by others cannot be eliminated. After the United States and other imperialist countries were deprived of the opportunity to directly and openly plunder the enslaved peoples, they were able to impose economic exploitation on them, siphon energy resources from the countries of the "third world", make extensive use of cheap labor and, to a large extent, at the expense of This ensures a relatively high standard of living for their population.

The destruction of the Soviet Union freed the hands of the imperialists for a new redistribution of the world. It became possible for the United States and its NATO allies to impose economic sanctions and blockades on states fighting for independence, and to carry out armed actions against them in order to impose a "new world order".

The exploited peoples live in conditions of poverty and lack of rights. A new upsurge of the national liberation movement for economic and financial independence is inevitable. The success of this movement will not only lead to the accelerated development of the now backward peoples, but will also reduce the reserves for maintaining stability in the developed capitalist countries.

Under capitalism, humanity cannot solve its own moral problems either. The morality according to which everything is bought and everything is sold, extreme individualism, crime, corruption, the desire for over-consumption for the sake of false prestige, the readiness to use violence are not innate properties of the peoples of the capitalist countries, but a consequence of the conditions of their existence. And this is another sphere of social existence, which forms the revolutionary social consciousness of the working and oppressed masses.

Thus, the world system of capitalism has an unstable character. It is characterized by interstate conflicts, arms races and world wars, economic crises and social upheavals. The outbreak of the financial and economic crisis, along with reckless integration into the world capitalist economy, has internal roots. The capitalist mode of production is characterized by irreconcilable contradictions between the social nature of the productive forces and the private capitalist type of property, the elements of the market, the unrestrained pursuit of profit, and the absence of a unified development plan. The only way to save mankind from financial and economic crises, social upheavals and wars is the destruction of capitalism, the transfer of our countries to a planned economy, the socialist path of development.

The Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917, the victory of the Soviet people in the Great Patriotic War paved the way for a socialist future, turned the country into a world power, saved humanity from fascism, accelerated the collapse of the colonial system of imperialism, and the creation of a world socialist system.

For the first time in world history, the foundations of socialism were built, a multinational Soviet Union was created, exploitation and national oppression were eliminated, the rights to work, rest, free education and treatment, housing, secure old age, personal security were realized on a national scale and in relation to every person. . In the shortest historical period, the country reached the forefront in the field of education, science, culture, industry, the living standards of the Soviet people were constantly rising and at the same time the convergence of various groups of the population in terms of income. A new international community of people has formed - the Soviet people, a Soviet way of life has developed.

These successes were based on the fundamental advantages of the socialist system: public ownership of the means of production, Soviet power of the working people, friendship of peoples, collectivism, a planned national economy, and the possibility of concentrating society's efforts in decisive areas and directions. Nevertheless, socialism in the USSR suffered a temporary defeat.

III. Reasons and lessons
temporary defeat of socialism

The defeat of socialism was not an inevitable consequence, allegedly, of the initial viciousness of the socialist system, the unreformability of the Soviet system, as those who betrayed the cause of socialism are trying to present. It is caused by a complex of objective and subjective factors.

Real historical conditions significantly hampered the construction of socialism, did not allow it to fully reveal its enormous potential: here are the backwardness of tsarist Russia, the petty-bourgeois elements, the constant threat of aggression from imperialism, the subversive activities of foreign intelligence services, the forced and necessary spending on defense, lagging behind the advanced capitalist countries in the field of civilian production.

The Soviet Union, like no other country in the world, was thrown back twice in a short period of time, it took more than 20 years to repel aggression and restore the national economy. But despite this, the country has reached a high level of economic development.

For the Soviet state, at the stage of creating the foundations of socialism in a capitalist environment, a rigidly centralized system of government became objectively inevitable. To a certain extent, thanks to her, the country achieved success in industrialization, won the Great Patriotic War, restored the national economy in an unprecedentedly short time, was the first to break into space, and achieved military-strategic parity with the United States. At the same time, excessive “stateization” of the means of production, over-centralization in the conditions of the increased scale of the national economy, and the complication of production relations held back the development of the initiative of labor collectives, socialist democracy, and “shadow” capital gained strength.

Attempts at the necessary transformations in the economy, undertaken in the 50s and 60s by the country's leadership, were inconsistent. The lag in the improvement of production relations gave rise to stagnation in society, began to slow down the development of productive forces, and had a corrupting effect on public consciousness and morality.

In the early 80s, the leadership of the CPSU raised the question of the need for social transformations based on continuity, within the framework of socialism. In the second half of the 1980s, by decision of the XXVII Congress and the Plenums of the Central Committee of the CPSU, a socialist restructuring of the main spheres of society began, the main directions of which were concretely embodied in the 12th five-year plan (1986-1990).

The main guidelines for social transformations were a more efficient economy, a significant improvement in the material and spiritual life of the population, and the expansion of the real participation of workers in the management of society.

In the first years of socialist perestroika, the largest volumes of industrial and agricultural production and housing construction were achieved. For the first time, an increase in output was obtained by increasing labor productivity; the construction of schools, children's institutions, hospitals, and clubs developed rapidly.

Positive shifts in the development of the country, despite the mistakes made, took place because the transformations in society were carried out within the Soviet system with the aim of updating it, improving it, and not destroying it.

In recent years, perestroika has lost its socialist and democratic orientation. This was the result of the weakening of the ties of the CPSU with the Soviet people, its ideological and organizational loosening, the formation of platforms and factions in it, the penetration of careerists, national separatists into the leadership of the party, state, party and government structures of the republics, the political degeneration of a group of leaders of the country, their transition to positions of opportunism, liquidationism of the Communist Party and the Soviet state. The gross violations of socialist legality committed in the thirties had a detrimental effect.

The struggle against the main danger - the anti-socialist, national-separatist forces was replaced by the elimination of the so-called "conservative" forces, which actually advocated the improvement, reformation of society within the framework of the Soviet system, on the principles of socialism. The process of disorganization of society began, the gap between the mass of commodities and the incomes of workers increased, labor productivity increased and wages increased, and there was an acute shortage of consumer goods. National separatist tendencies were gaining strength. Weakened the position of the USSR in the international arena.

All this caused social tension in society. Strikes of workers of enterprises of various industries took place in the country, political movements arose focused on the restoration of capitalism. Relying on the active support of external forces, the "shadow" economy, the "elite" of the artistic intelligentsia, part of the state and party apparatus, through deception and demagogy, these movements were able to gain the support of a part of society. A destructive role was played by the mass media that launched an anti-Soviet, slanderous campaign, which were actually transferred by the state-party elite into the hands of the enemies of socialism.

The denouement came in August-December 1991. The counter-revolutionary coup brought anti-socialist forces to power. Under the false flag of building a “civil society”, the anti-people ruling regimes, in alliance with external forces, began the liquidation of the Soviets, the removal of workers, peasants, labor intelligentsia from power, the forcible capitalization of society, the taking away of public property through privatization, the formation of a bourgeois authoritarian regime.

Is the defeat of socialism in the USSR final? What are the main lessons? History shows that none of the socio-economic formations was established without “rollback” processes, restorations of previous political structures, periods of reaction, but there were no forces that could turn history back. And the general crisis that engulfed the socialist countries in the 1980s and 1990s is not a crisis of the very essence of socialism, but the result of a distortion and deviation from the principles of socialism. Modern history testifies to a new upsurge of the communist movement in the world, the successful building of socialism in China, Vietnam, and Cuba.

V. I. Lenin's conclusion that it is impossible to move forward without moving towards socialism remains relevant. The restoration of capitalism is a backward movement. Social transformations in the country were necessary and possible on the principles of socialism, within the framework of the Soviet system, without changing its economic and political foundations. Departure from the planned start in the development of the economy, the introduction of unregulated, so-called contractual free prices led to the disorganization of the consumer market, the entire national economy, and the acceleration of the destruction of the Soviet state.

The course of events in recent years largely confirms the foresight of I.V. Stalin that as socialism is built, the resistance of internal and external hostile forces intensifies, often acquiring fierce forms. Political practice once again proves the correctness of the proposition that those social forces against which there is no political struggle are of particular danger. The anti-socialist, national-separatist forces were so hostile to society.

The creative development and application of Marxism-Leninism in the changed modern conditions should be a subject of special concern for Communists. The unity and cohesion of the communist movement, the purity of the party ranks, the prevention of factions and platforms, the development of internal party democracy. Strengthening the control of the party masses over the formation and activities of party organs and leading cadres. Uncompromising struggle against opportunism, eradication of bureaucracy in the party and society. The ties of the Party, of all its links, with the working people should be developed in every possible way.

IV. Strategy and tactics of the UPC - CPSU
in the fight for recovery
workers' power

At each stage of the political struggle, the communist parties announce their strategy and tactics of action, based on the alignment of socio-political forces and the specific situation in the republics. At the same time, the general strategic program guidelines of the communist parties that are members of the UPC-CPSU are:

At the first stage, as opposition parties - political struggle against anti-people regimes for the return of power and large property to workers, active opposition to any steps of the ruling regimes that worsen the life of working people, infringe on their political and social rights;

At the second, restorative transitional stage, after the conquest of power by the working people, the restoration of the foundations of socialism, the national economy, with the growing role of public ownership of the means of production, a decent standard of living, social guarantees, and the restoration of the union state. In the future - the transition to a higher level of socialism with the complete domination of public property, ensuring the rapid development of the productive forces, the growth of labor productivity and the well-being of the people.

At all stages, tactics, the choice of allies, methods and methods, the key sectors of the activities of the Communist Parties, are of particular importance.

The social support of the communist parties that are members of the UPC-CPSU is the working class, the peasantry, and the working intelligentsia. At the same time, the Communists take into account that stratification is taking place among the working classes and social groups. Within them stands out a certain part of the workers, employees, a thin layer of the intelligentsia, the top of the army and other power structures, fed by handouts from the government.

The property division among the peasantry is proceeding more slowly. Some of the peasants farm on the basis of collective property. As for the farmers, many of them are in a difficult position and are practically semi-proletariat.

In the process of restoration of capitalism, a bourgeois class was formed in the republics. It should be borne in mind that the petty bourgeoisie is subject to fluctuations and is inclined to an agreement with the ruling regimes. The large speculative-criminal bourgeoisie, which has accumulated huge fortunes by robbing people's property through criminal privatization, exporting raw materials from the country, is closely connected with international capital, contributes to the enslavement of the country, and is the backbone of the current regimes.

Domestic commodity producers who are dissatisfied with the policy of the government, the invasion of foreign capital, can be involved in a joint struggle against the colonial enslavement of our peoples, for the development of production, the economic integration of the republics.

In order to eliminate the current regimes, restore the power of the working people, the Communist Parties will be able to form temporary political coalitions, conclude agreements with a wide range of organizations of a socialist, popular-patriotic orientation. Concluding such unions, undertaking joint actions, the Communist Parties retain their political and organizational independence. Communist parties cannot be part of institutionalized blocs with the participation of anti-communist parties and movements.

UPC-CPSU, as an alliance of active political action communist parties, will fight for the power of the working people with all available forms and methods within the framework of the constitutions and legislation of the republics, as well as in accordance with the actions of the anti-people authorities. The parties advocate a peaceful transition to socialism. But if the bourgeois regime of power continues to pursue a policy of impoverishment and extinction of the population, then the working people have every right to its revolutionary overthrow. Of particular importance is the combination of the activity of communist parties in parliaments, representative bodies of power with the organization of mass protest actions of citizens, as forms of class struggle in defense of the interests of workers.

The Communists attach great importance to the promotion of workers, peasants, and intelligentsia to the organs of legislative power at all levels, and to the energetic work of the communist parliamentary factions. Elections to any bodies, referendums must be regarded as peaceful forms of class struggle involving all sections of the working people, all voters.

The main efforts of the party will be concentrated in labor collectives and at the place of residence of the population with the aim of educating and organizing them, exposing the anti-people essence of the ruling regimes, will seek to stop mockery of Russian and Soviet history, give a resolute rebuff to the distortions of the ideas and accomplishments of V.I. Lenin, I. V. Stalin, their associates. Without cleansing people's minds from the stratification of lies about the Soviet era, it is impossible for the Communist Party to really draw millions of people into the struggle for socialism. Parties organize mass actions of protest and solidarity, participate in political events held by other parties, trade unions, social movements. In this work, we should rely more actively on war and labor veterans who know the true value and significance of the achievements of socialism, on older generation communists who have remained loyal to the party in the most difficult times.

Lenin's thesis about the need to unite socialism with the workers' movement becomes relevant again. The struggle for the power of the working people, for socialism, will end in success if these ideas, having captured the consciousness of the masses, once again become a material force. This process will intensify, embracing successively all the groups of the working class, the peasantry and the intelligentsia, who have suffered the most from the economic ruin and the elimination of social guarantees.

UPC-CPSU supports the formation of workers' councils, strike committees and other self-government bodies of workers at enterprises and in the regions.

The UPC-CPSU believes that the creation of parties of social democratic orientation in the states on the territory of the USSR is objectively aimed at splitting the working class and narrowing the base of the communist movement. At the same time, the Communist parties that are members of the UPC-CPSU will act together with the Social Democrats against the impoverishment and lack of rights of working people, the establishment of an authoritarian regime, and on other problems where there are common positions.

A special place in the activities of communist parties should be occupied by the recruitment of young people, the combination of experienced and young communists in the leading bodies of all levels, without which the ideological and organizational strengthening of the party and continuity in their politics are impossible.

UPC - CPSU considers the Union of Komsomol Organizations - Komsomol as its main personnel reserve, a reliable assistant in achieving program goals, will provide all possible support and assistance in the formation and development of the Komsomol movement.

The UPC-CPSU will also actively support women's and veterans' organizations, seeking their unity and, in turn, counts on their support in the struggle for social justice.

The active participation of communists in trade unions, even those standing on the positions of conciliation, joint actions in defense of the economic and social interests of working people will contribute to the revival of a powerful and organized labor movement.

Communists, while remaining atheists, stand for freedom of conscience, the right of everyone to profess a religion or not to profess any, for a strictly respectful attitude towards the religious feelings of believers, for the separation of church from state and school, against the substitution of science for faith and the use of religion for political purposes. Communists proceed from the fact that in the name of saving the Motherland, restoring the Soviet Union, a worthy life for working people, relations between communists and religious confessions can be relations of interaction, as was the case during certain periods of Soviet power.

The events of recent years have led to the cleansing of the communist parties from direct accomplices of the counter-revolution, political careerists and just a mass of random people.

The diversity of communist organizations became inevitable in conditions when the overall leadership of the party, both at the all-union and republican levels, was treacherously destroyed.

Now, when the struggle for power of the working people is entering a decisive phase, the multi-party system in the communist movement is dividing and weakening the strength of the communists. The communists are in favor of uniting the party ranks within the framework of single republican communist parties and their entry into the Union of Communist Parties - the CPSU. It must be borne in mind that the shorter the period in which it is possible to turn the country onto the socialist path of development, to recreate the state union of Soviet nations and nationalities, the less damage will be suffered by the peoples of each republic. This largely depends on the creation of united republican communist parties, their ideological and organizational cohesion.

The issues of the creative development of the theory of Marxism-Leninism, a deep understanding of the ongoing processes in society, the development of the right strategy and tactics of the communist movement, the deployment of agitation and propaganda among the masses are urgently on the agenda. In the current conditions, V.I. Lenin’s position that one must go to the masses “both as theoreticians, and as propagandists, and as agitators, and as organizers” is especially relevant.

The UPC-CPSU, the Communist Parties consider it a priority task to fight against chauvinism, national separatism as the greatest evil that brings torment and suffering to the working people, stand for political, social equality and friendship of peoples, for the international solidarity of working people of all nations.

The fratricidal wars revealed the link between nationalism and anti-communism and the perniciousness of the policy of encouraging anti-communism. Ultimately, the anti-communism and chauvinism of the ruling regimes resulted in the death of tens of thousands of people, the ruins of cities and villages.

The infringement of the rights of the Russian and, in general, the Russian-speaking population in a number of republics causes a split in society along ethnic lines, which prevents the reunification of peoples into a new Union.

Only the removal of anti-people regimes from power, the establishment of Soviet patriotism and socialist internationalism, the re-establishment of the union state can extinguish interethnic and regional conflicts, solve the problem of divided Soviet peoples, establish a lasting and just peace in all republics and regions of the union state.

Bourgeois plans for the integration of states, based on the power of capital, the domination of private capitalist property, lead to increased exploitation, mass unemployment, lack of rights and poverty for the majority of people, to the loss of independence of peoples and countries. The unity of the fraternal Soviet peoples on the principles of socialism is the path to unity, independence, progress, to a better life for people.

The task of the UPC-CPSU and its constituent communist parties is to organize an international social movement, groups and committees to assist it in recreating on a voluntary basis and socialist principles of a union state equal sovereign republics of the fraternal Soviet peoples.

V. Action Program of the UPC - CPSU
for the restoration of the foundations of socialism,
re-establishment of the union state

The UPC-CPSU puts forward a set of tasks and measures that must be implemented immediately and in the future after the transfer of power to the working people. The main ones are:

1. Restoration of workers' power

For this you need:

a) develop the Soviet system of power, ensure the sovereignty of the Soviets and the subordination of executive bodies to them; to carry out broad representation in the composition of the Soviets of workers, peasants, labor intelligentsia by electing deputies on the basis of the production-territorial principle;

b) liquidate state positions and structures that are not controlled by the Soviets (presidents and their representatives, governors, mayors, prefects, etc.);

c) to restore the organs of people's control, the practice of public discussion of important bills, to actually reduce the state apparatus;

d) ensure access to the media for all parties and movements. Prohibit propaganda of racism, nationalism, violence and other immoral phenomena that undermine the moral foundations of the family, society, friendship of peoples, offending national traditions and customs;

e) restore order and legality, sharply reduce crime, eradicate speculation, overcome drunkenness and drug addiction;

widely involve the working people in the restoration of public order, ensure the viability of law enforcement agencies, and disarm all paramilitary formations;

stop corruption and organized crime.

2. Return of the country
on the socialist path of development:

a) restore public ownership of natural resources, basic means of production, while allowing the private sector in the sphere of small-scale production and the sale of consumer goods and services;

stop the privatization of public property, revise the results of privatization, return illegally appropriated property to labor collectives and the state;

to keep in the recovery period in the ownership of labor collectives enterprises that have completely passed into collective ownership; in the ownership of employees of enterprises - the shares of these enterprises received or purchased by them, ensuring the equality of managers and ordinary employees;

abolish private ownership of land and the right to buy and sell it; assign the land indefinitely to those who cultivate it, including for family farms, garden plots with the right to inherit;

b) introduce a state monopoly on banking, nationalize banking, exchange and insurance activities, revise all purchase, wholesale and retail prices, establish an equivalent exchange between industry and agriculture;

c) raise industrial and agricultural production to the level of 1989, for which:

Introduce state regulation in combination with broad economic independence of enterprises, develop a plan for the restoration of the economy, first of all, the production of food and consumer goods;

To modernize the machine-building complex and, on this basis, to ensure the technical re-equipment of industry and agriculture, the growth of the production of science-intensive, resource-saving products, relying mainly on our own resources. The development of the economy must be accompanied by the preservation and protection of the environment;

Provide state support to the agro-industrial complex, health care, culture, education, fundamental science;

d) to reduce the level of social differentiation, to carry out a set of measures to withdraw capital acquired through speculation, the sale of national wealth, and the use of hired labor. Eliminate disproportions in pay for certain groups of workers, make maximum use of the principle of pay according to work, encourage talent, qualifications and diligence;

e) restore social guarantees: ensure full employment of the able-bodied population, legally guarantee the employment of young people, abolish all types of paid health care and education. Expand housing construction to the level of 1986-1989 with free housing for those in need;

to restore in full the general availability of the use of all types of transport and communications; to carry out measures to restore the public catering system at public prices;

to provide state support for the growth of the birth rate, additional assistance to mothers and children, to resume the work of all children's institutions;

f) develop and implement a state program for the improvement of the spiritual life of the people, disseminate the best examples of domestic and world culture, stop spreading Westernism and Americanism, withdraw art, culture and sports from the sphere of commerce, create favorable conditions for the activities of the artistic intelligentsia.

3. Restoration of the country's independence

Introduce a state monopoly of foreign trade on raw materials and strategic goods, and prevent the sale of enterprises to foreign companies.