Timur Prokopenko: biography and photos. Staff of the Presidential Administration of Russia

In the Yves Rocher case, it was postponed to December 30, and today the entire center of Moscow is cordoned off by police and internal troops in anticipation of a rally on Manezhnaya Square. And today, Anonymous International has released a new portion of the hacked mail, this time belonging to Timur Prokopenko, deputy head of the internal policy department of the Presidential Administration. Navalny is one of the main characters in this correspondence.

Prokopenko, as far as we can judge from the letters, was responsible for the information preparation of the trial against Navalny. The ordered materials organized by him concerned all criminal cases related to Navalny, including the case of Yves Rocher. So, on November 20, 2013, Timur Prokopenko was sent for approval a text entitled “The Navalny case on“ Yves Rocher ”is almost a year old”. On December 2, the same text appears on the blog of the pro-Kremlin blogger-photographer Yevgeny Lavrov, who writes in LiveJournal under the nickname tesey. The same text is then distributed verbatim on many Internet resources, including on separate sites dedicated to "compromising evidence" against Navalny. (This same Lavrov, as follows from the correspondence, wrote many other custom-made posts about Navalny).

And here is a wonderful document entitled “Report on the actions taken to develop the topic by A.N. September 10 - 12, 2013 " - here Timur Prokopenko is reported on 24 pages with screenshots and examples of how Navalny's topic was “worked out” on the Internet.

January 24, 2014 Christina Potupchik sends Timur Prokopenko a letter with 12 screenshots 2010 correspondence between Navalny and Ashurkovin which they discuss business issues, including their sources of information at Alfa Group. Someday, the investigation will probably still establish what exactly Mr. Prokopenko and his subordinates were doing - hacking someone else's mail or forging it. Neither one nor the other, however, falls within the scope of his competence.

On June 19, 2014, Prokopenko's mail turns up a video that The Insider has already uploaded - this is a full video of a conversation with a janitor Sergei Sotov, who hung his funny pictures on the fences. In the video, Sergey says that he has no complaints about the people who take pictures. However, a criminal case was initiated against Navalny's comrades-in-arms about the "theft of a painting by artist Sergei Sotov", and from this interview a piece about the absence of claims was cut out and posted on the air of the "PE" program on the NTV channel, known for its ordered materials. It is noteworthy that the video in Prokopenko's mail appears on the 19th, and on the air of NTV it is only on the 20th. The submitter of the video, Artur Omarov, is also a well-known personality; he made a career in the radical wing of the Nashi movement called Steel, which has already been at the center of many scandals (including, for example, due to the fact that the Steel manifesto turned out to be a literal quote from Goebbels' Ten Commandments of National Socialism).

On March 16, 2014, Timur Prokopenko sends a letter to Anastasia Kashevarova from Lifenews (the right hand of Aram Gabrelyanov) with a file called “Bad apartment”. It contains an unsigned deputy request (perhaps at that time the administration had not yet decided which deputy to assign this request to), with the requirement to check how legally Alexey Navalny's assistant is renting an apartment. Stylistically and in meaning, this request so authentically reproduces the genre of Soviet denunciations that The Insider cannot but reproduce it in its entirety:

"To the Minister of Internal Affairs
Russian Federation
Kolokoltsev V.A.

Dear Vladimir Alexandrovich!
March 14 and 15 this year in the media (NTV television company, RBC agency, etc.; copies are attached) information appeared that during a special operation of law enforcement agencies in the center of Moscow in Maly Vasilkovsky lane in the apartment of Yuliy Kaloev, accused of embezzling 760 million rubles from Sberbank, and hiding from justice , is the home of the famous politician Vladimir Ashurkov.

According to the information received, Vladimir Ashurkov allegedly rented the indicated apartment from Yulia Kaloev for about 1 million rubles a month. At the same time, it is reported that Vladimir Ashurkov, who heads the Anti-Corruption Foundation, has not officially been working for two years.

At the same time, the media, as well as many bloggers, draw attention to the fact that in 2013 Vladimir Ashurkov was involved in a scandalous story with the collection of funds for the election campaign of Alexei Navalny using non-transparent schemes, incl. through Yandex-wallet. According to reports: "The fundraising campaign was accompanied by scandals about" cutting "the money of the headquarters, the purchase of goods and services for 2-3 times (of the real) cost and the final" report "- called by many bloggers and experts a" phony letter ", according to which it is not clear the fate of a good ten million. " Taking into account the great public outcry, as well as the fact that the question concerns an organization that, in accordance with its own goals, is engaged in the fight against corruption ("Anti-Corruption Fund"), I ask you to check these facts, in particular:

To establish whether the lease agreement for the mentioned apartment was officially concluded, and whether taxes on the income of individuals were paid from the income received by Yuri Kaloev from its delivery.

Establish the amount of funds transferred to the account of the Anti-Corruption Fund in Alfa-Bank;

Establish the sources of income of Vladimir Ashurkov for 2013, in particular, check his personal accounts in the aforementioned Alfa-Bank, City-Bank, as well as other financial institutions;

To establish the extent to which Vladimir Ashurkov used the funds of the Anti-Corruption Fund, as well as the money received during the election campaign of Alexei Navalny to finance the rent of an apartment worth 1 million rubles a month, and other personal purposes;

Yours faithfully, …"

Cooperation with Anastasia Kashevarova did not stop there - it was she who initiated a number of publications in Izvestia on the so-called "Case Markvo" - another absurd criminal case against Navalny's associates, this time in connection with the participation of Vladimir Ashurkov's common-law wife in projects funded by the Moscow Government. Kashevarova served Prokopenko not only in matters related to Navalny. On March 20, 2014, Prokopenko sent her materials for an ordered article about deputy Ilya Ponomarev - the letter contains informational information that Ponomarev allegedly bribed witnesses during the trial with Sergei Troitsky, as well as a transcript of the "wiretapping" of Ponomarev's negotiations with witnesses. In addition, Prokopenko determines from which commentators Kashevarova should be taken for comment. For example, on March 17, 2014, he sends her the "List of commentators on the US sanctions against Mizulina" - and there are only two commentators on the list - Kucheren's lawyer and the chairman of the Russian Red Cross (not to be confused with the International Red Cross) Raisa Lukutseva ...

Kashevarova, of course, is not the only journalist serving Prokopenko. So, for example, here is a letter dated November 23, 2013, in which a customized article about Oleg Shein is sent to Moskovsky Komsomolets: And here is the material itself, published 4 days later:

Apparently, the scheme of placing ordered publications in the media by the Presidential Administration is no different from what it looked like moscow Government jeans promotion scheme, which The Insider has already written about in detail.

But back to Navalny. One of the most striking revelations of the Anti-Corruption Fund in 2014 was a series of materials about cooperative "Sosny"where the most prominent deputies and officials bought plots of land for themselves, the market value of which is much higher than everything that they could officially earn in their entire life (and these plots and real estate did not appear in the income statement). One of the antiheroes of this exposure was the chairman of the Duma Committee on Economic Policy Igor Rudensky... The Insider has already written about how Rudensky, worried about the exposure, tried to hush up the story. New interesting details are revealed in Prokopenko's mail. On November 30, 2013, Rudensky, in his defense, wrote a post on the Echo of Moscow website. But judging by the correspondence, this post was written not by Rudensky, but by Prokopenko, Rudensky only made minor edits:

Moreover, the letter with this text was also sent to Venediktov not by Rudensky, but by Prokopenko. Venediktov could hardly have known from whom he received the text, but the website does not contain any mention of the involvement of the Presidential Administration in this material.

In addition to Navalny, Ponomarev and Shein, there are other objects of ordered materials in the correspondence, among them, for example, Olga Romanova and Maria Gaidar: the Administration worked on them purposefully during the elections to the Moscow City Duma. For example, here is the report by Kristina Potupchik, sent to Timur Prokopenko on July 17, 2014. On December 19, Potupchik sends Prokopenko to "detention for Khodorkovsky." And on November 6, 2013, Potupchik sends Prokopenko a denunciation of the owners of Dozhd, spouses Natalya Sindeeva and Alexander Vinokurov, and refers in it to the blogger ntv (Timofey Vasiliev):

Finally, so that it does not seem that the Presidential Administration is engaged only in denigrating opponents, we will give a completely different example of using taxpayers' funds. On June 7, Kristina Potupchik sends Timur Prokopenko a report entitled "Our crafts in the DR" - it contains all sorts of banners, graffiti and actions praising Putin, which were made for his birthday in different countries of the world.

In general, the work of Prokopenko's team is intense and versatile. Unfortunately, in the correspondence there is only a media plan for October 2013, but it also allows you to create a certain idea of \u200b\u200bthe breadth of the problems covered, among the tasks set:

[...]

The appointment of Timur Prokopenko, the press secretary of the State Duma speaker, as the new leader of the pro-Kremlin youth organization Molodaya Gvardiya, was completely unexpected even for the most sophisticated experts in the youth political behind the scenes.

Dozens of MHER activists, who have proven themselves to be the builders of the future Russia, devoted to the party's cause, applied for this post, abandoned by Ruslan Gattarov, Senator of the Federation Council from the Chelyabinsk Region. Numerous youth leaders, including parliamentarians from the Federal Assembly, were seen as potential leaders of the youth wing of United Russia. " However, it turned out that all-seeing eye the Kremlin ideology made its choice in favor of Timur Valentinovich Prokopenko, a young man who is extremely far from youth politics.

And what did Timur Prokopenko do before his historic appointment? Official media provide very scant information on this matter.

It is known that Prokopenko studied at the Military University, that he worked as a special correspondent for ITAR-TASS, and then headed a structural unit of the Presidential Plenipotentiary Office in the Far Eastern Federal District. The last post of Timur Prokopenko, announced by the official media, was the press secretary of the State Duma Speaker Boris Gryzlov.

For a 30-year-old graduate of a military university, the biography, of course, is rich. At the same time, Prokopenko himself, before his appointment to the heads of MGER, never appeared in the news, and there is surprisingly little information about his person on the Internet. What allowed this young man to "get out of the gloom" and immediately sit in political "queens"?

Let's try to figure it out ...

To unearth Timur Prokopenko's past, our correspondent had to spend quite a lot of time. Nevertheless, there were many people who knew Prokopenko at different times and in different places. Backstage information was thrown in, among other things, by journalists accredited in the State Duma, where Timur Prokopenko worked for several years. Little by little, the picture began to emerge. So let's start ...

First of all, let us note that Prokopenko's entry into the power structures was not accidental. Timur is the son of a high-ranking officer of the GKB of the USSR, then the FSB of Russia. Little is known about Timur Prokopenko's school years - he lived with his family abroad, then studied at a Moscow school in the Polezhaevskaya area.

From the few interviews with Prokopenko, it is known that he was seriously involved in hockey and even was part of the youth team of the capital's Dynamo. Then his friends on sticks and pucks made a career for themselves in the NHL and the KHL, and Timur went to study at the Military University, which previously bore the name of the Military-Political Academy. Lenin.

What is being done with the children of the Chekists at the Military University for five years is not known exactly. However, we can conclude that they are being prepared precisely for the goals that were indicated in the Soviet name of the famous university - for political work. Working within your country for the benefit of the current political system. Therefore, this university has always belonged to the category of the most prestigious military educational institutions.

Children of the highest ranks of the army and other law enforcement agencies studied here. The professions of military lawyers, translators, journalists and psychologists were considered prestigious both in Soviet times and in the dysfunctional 90s. Among the cadets of the Military University there have always been many who came from high-ranking families. It is known, for example, that the son of the then deputy director of the FSB German Ugryumov, the grandson of Marshal of the USSR Oleg Losik, and other generals' offspring studied in the same platoon with Timur Prokopenko.

It was not possible to find out where Timur Prokopenko served after graduating from the Military University. Perhaps he was trained in one of the secret educational institutions of power structures, or took the first steps in the field of state security. The position of the special correspondent of ITAR-TASS, for sure, was only a cover for other, more closed activities. By the way, the “arms baron” Viktor Bout studied at the same military university as Prokopenko, only ten years earlier, and was sent to Africa as a military translator.

Prokopenko himself said in one of his interviews that during his work at TASS he visited all the hot spots of the country and some abroad. Whether he has since removed his shoulder straps, or is still an active officer, is unknown.

In the middle of the fourth convocation of the State Duma, Timur Prokopenko “surfaced” in the lower house of parliament. Now - as the press secretary of the then vice-speaker Vladimir Pekhtin, known for his direct participation in the internal politics of the Far Eastern regions of Russia. In this capacity, Timur Prokopenko is well remembered by experienced parliamentary journalists. However, the young man soon moved to the Presidential Administration, becoming the head of one of the departments in the office of the Presidential Plenipotentiary for the Far Eastern Federal District Oleg Safonov.

Recall that Colonel-General Oleg Safonov belongs to the "Petersburg" security forces, and in the 90s he worked together with Vladimir Putin in the Committee for External Relations of the St. Petersburg City Hall. From 2007 to 2009, he held the post of Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Far Eastern Federal District, at the moment - Deputy Director of the Federal Service of the Russian Federation for Drug Control (FSKN).

As a subordinate of Plenipotentiary Safonov, Timur Prokopenko gained fame at Far East, first of all, as a specialist in underground political technologies. He participated in a number of campaigns to change power in the regions of the Far Eastern Federal District, working on the part of the federal center in close cooperation with the regional state security bodies. Three-year-old photographs were found in the photo bank of one of the Far Eastern news agencies. They give an objective idea of \u200b\u200bthe environment where the current leader of the Kremlin youth worked.

Several high-profile scandals related to the corruption activities of the local elite were associated with his work in the Far East.

After the return of plenipotentiary Safonov to the power structures, Timur Prokopenko again appeared in the State Duma, now in the high post of press secretary of the State Duma speaker Boris Gryzlov. For a year and a half, Prokopenko was engaged in the PR of the speaker, and we must pay tribute - after his departure to MGER, the chairman of the lower chamber on TV became much less.

The question is, why does Molodaya Gvardiya have an absolutely encrypted Kremlin security agent Timur Prokopenko? Maybe to carry out a pre-election "cleansing" of this youth organization? Over the course of several months of his leadership, several key figures in MGER have lost their posts at once. Recently, Prokopenko dismissed the head of the Central Headquarters of the MHER Roman Teryushkov and the chairman of the Public Council of the MHER Alexander Borisov. According to rumors - for financial fraud.

The so-called hackers from the Anonymous International Shaltai-Dumpty published a text called SMS-correspondence between Timur Prokopenko, a subordinate of Vyacheslav Volodin. The legal status of such a publication is unclear. Hackers offer to take the publication "as is", without additional guarantees of authenticity. So, in essence, what is published is just a text file, which could very well be an artistic re-enactment, or at least a carefully edited version of a real correspondence. On the one hand, the authenticity of the correspondence is confirmed by some of its participants. On the other hand, journalist Ekaterina Vinokurova, for example, insists that some of her messages from Prokopenko are fake.

The editorial board is also supported by the fact that most of 2013 was excluded from the correspondence, that is, the political season in which the scandalous Moscow elections with the participation of Navalny took place, and Vladislav Surkov resigned as deputy prime minister of the government.

However, conspiracy theorists may be disappointed. The powerful presidential administration is mainly busy looking for the wrong tweets from the opposition, correcting photos on the website of news agencies that portray the opposition as too “successful and Hollywood style”. Prokopenko, an employee of the Department of Internal Affairs, spends a lot of time on coordinating speakers for Vladimir Solovyov's evening talk shows. There is some irony in this, because Solovyov's talk show will most likely be dedicated to Ukraine again. So it turns out that we have no internal policy at all.

Prokopenko's correspondence is presumably not the last piece in the Humpty package. More serious figures may be affected under certain circumstances ahead of the 2016 elections. At the same time, the official media, controlled by the presidential administration, ignore the scandal, and, therefore, the "leaks" are mainly focused on use in the course of intra-elite conflicts (traces of hackers should also be found there).

The engaged public, in turn, has a unique chance to look behind the fence, into the holy of holies of Russian statehood, on the Old Square, and in the interests of third parties manipulating this curiosity. This is the most terrible secret of Prokopenko: you have to look behind the fence where there should be no fence at all. In a normal society, political issues are discussed publicly, and the presidential administration is a bureaucratic public service, the activities of which are quite transparent to voters. This is not military intelligence, not the NSA, or the kind of organizations around which spy scandals like WikiLeaks in democratic countries can arise.

After the scandal at Prokopenko, they probably concluded that it was necessary to strengthen security measures, and also that they were all now finally in the same boat, in anticipation of new attacks. This is an extremely superficial understanding of the situation. The problem is not at all that Prokopenko used poorly protected communication channels. The point is that politics cannot be completely driven under the rug.

If you eliminate the discussion of conflicts and political problems from parliament, destroy the media and the institution of elections, then politics will return anyway - only now in such a barbaric form as "plums".

Timur Valentinovich Prokopenko (b. May 27, 1980, Staraya Kupavna) - Deputy Head of the Department for Internal Policy of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation.

Timur Valentinovich Prokopenko
Deputy Head of the Department for Internal Policy of the Presidential Administration of Russiais February 13, 2012
deputy State Duma Russia December 4, 2011 - February 13, 2012
Birth: May 27, 1980
Staraya Kupavna, Moscow region, USSR
Party: United Russia

Timur Valentinovich Prokopenko was born on May 27, 1980 in the urban-type settlement of Staraya Kupavna in the Noginsk municipal district of the Moscow region.

Graduated from the Faculty of Journalism of the Military University in 2002.

Since 2003, he worked at ITAR-TASS as a regional, foreign and parliamentary correspondent, worked in the regions and neighboring countries, in Moscow participated in covering a number of terrorist attacks, then became a member of the parliamentary pool.

In 2004 he graduated from the Interdisciplinary Institute for Advanced Studies of the Moscow State Linguistic University.

In 2005, he got a job in the State Duma apparatus and became the press secretary of Vladimir Pekhtin, the vice-speaker of the parliament from United Russia.

Graduated from the Russian Academy of Public Administration in 2006.

Since 2007, he worked in the office of the President's Plenipotentiary Representative in the Far Eastern Federal District.

From 2009 to 2011 - again in the Duma apparatus, as the press secretary of the speaker of the parliament Boris Gryzlov.

In 2010-2012, he led the Young Guard of United Russia. In 2011 he also became a member of the coordinating council of the All-Russian Popular Front.

On December 4, 2011, he was elected a deputy of the State Duma of the VI convocation from the United Russia party as a representative of the Saratov region, became a deputy chairman of the committee for physical culture, sports and youth affairs.

In February 2012, he resigned his parliamentary powers ahead of schedule, moving to work in the Department of Internal Policy (UVP) of the Presidential Administration of Russia, his mandate was transferred to Vasily Maksimov. As a deputy head of the UVP, until December 2014, he was engaged in youth and information policy, then he began to oversee federal parties and elections.

In late 2014 - early 2015, he became involved in a number of scandalous publications carried out by the Anonymous International group, which posted on the Internet “materials allegedly obtained as a result of the hacking of Prokopenko’s mail and phone”. According to RBC, this information attack prevented Prokopenko from heading the UVP instead of Oleg Morozov, who resigned in March 2015.

Personal life
He is married and has a daughter.

The appointment of Timur Prokopenko, the press secretary of the State Duma speaker, as the new leader of the pro-Kremlin youth organization Molodaya Gvardiya, was completely unexpected even for the most sophisticated experts in the youth political behind the scenes.

Dozens of MHER activists, who have proven themselves to be the builders of the future Russia, devoted to the party's cause, applied for this post, abandoned by Ruslan Gattarov, Senator of the Federation Council from the Chelyabinsk Region. Numerous youth leaders, including parliamentarians from the Federal Assembly, were seen as potential leaders of the youth wing of United Russia. " However, it turned out that the all-seeing eye of the Kremlin ideology made its choice in favor of Timur Valentinovich Prokopenko, a young man who is very far from youth politics.

And what did Timur Prokopenko do before his historic appointment? Official media provide very scant information on this matter.

It is known that Prokopenko studied at the Military University, that he worked as a special correspondent for ITAR-TASS, and then headed a structural unit of the Presidential Envoy's Office in the Far Eastern Federal District. The last post of Timur Prokopenko, announced by the official media, was the press secretary of the State Duma Speaker Boris Gryzlov.

For a 30-year-old graduate of a military university, the biography, of course, is rich. At the same time, Prokopenko himself, before his appointment to the heads of MGER, never appeared in the news, and there is surprisingly little information about his person on the Internet. What allowed this young man to "get out of the gloom" and immediately sit in political "queens"?

Let's try to figure it out ...

To unearth Timur Prokopenko's past, our correspondent had to spend quite a lot of time. Nevertheless, there were many people who knew Prokopenko at different times and in different places. Backstage information was thrown in, among other things, by journalists accredited in the State Duma, where Timur Prokopenko worked for several years. Little by little, the picture began to emerge. So let's start ...

First of all, let us note that Prokopenko's entry into the power structures was not accidental. Timur is the son of a high-ranking officer of the GKB of the USSR, then the FSB of Russia. Little is known about Timur Prokopenko's school years - he lived with his family abroad, then studied at a Moscow school in the Polezhaevskaya area.

From the few interviews with Prokopenko, it is known that he was seriously involved in hockey and even was part of the youth team of the capital's Dynamo. Then his friends on sticks and pucks made a career for themselves in the NHL and the KHL, and Timur went to study at the Military University, which previously bore the name of the Military-Political Academy. Lenin.

It is not known exactly what they have been doing with the children of the Chekists at the Military University for five years. However, we can conclude that they are being prepared precisely for the goals that were indicated in the Soviet name of the famous university - for political work. Working within your country for the benefit of the current political system. Therefore, this university has always belonged to the category of the most prestigious military educational institutions.

Children of the highest ranks of the army and other law enforcement agencies studied here. The professions of military lawyers, translators, journalists and psychologists were considered prestigious both in Soviet times and in the dysfunctional 90s. Among the cadets of the Military University there have always been many who came from high-ranking families. It is known, for example, that the son of the then deputy director of the FSB German Ugryumov, the grandson of Marshal of the USSR Oleg Losik, and other generals' offspring studied in the same platoon with Timur Prokopenko.

It was not possible to find out where Timur Prokopenko served after graduating from the Military University. Perhaps he was trained in one of the secret educational institutions of power structures, or took the first steps in the field of state security. The position of the special correspondent of ITAR-TASS, for sure, was only a cover for other, more closed activities. By the way, the “arms baron” Viktor Bout studied at the same military university as Prokopenko, only ten years earlier, and was sent to Africa as a military translator.

Prokopenko himself said in one of his interviews that during his work at TASS he visited all the hot spots of the country and some abroad. Whether he has since removed his shoulder straps, or is still an active officer, is unknown.

In the middle of the fourth convocation of the State Duma, Timur Prokopenko “surfaced” in the lower house of parliament. Now - as the press secretary of the then vice-speaker Vladimir Pekhtin, known for his direct participation in the internal politics of the Far Eastern regions of Russia. In this capacity, Timur Prokopenko is well remembered by experienced parliamentary journalists. However, the young man soon moved to the Presidential Administration, becoming the head of one of the departments in the office of the Presidential Plenipotentiary for the Far Eastern Federal District Oleg Safonov.

Recall that Colonel-General Oleg Safonov belongs to the "Petersburg" security forces, and in the 90s he worked together with Vladimir Putin in the Committee for External Relations of the St. Petersburg City Hall. From 2007 to 2009, he held the post of Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Far Eastern Federal District, at the moment - Deputy Director of the Federal Service of the Russian Federation for Drug Control (FSKN).

Being a subordinate of Plenipotentiary Safonov, Timur Prokopenko gained fame in the Far East, first of all, as a specialist in underground political technologies. He participated in a number of campaigns to change power in the regions of the Far Eastern Federal District, working on the part of the federal center in close cooperation with the regional state security bodies. Three-year-old photographs were found in the photo bank of one of the Far Eastern news agencies. They give an objective idea of \u200b\u200bthe environment where the current leader of the Kremlin youth worked.

Several high-profile scandals related to the corruption activities of the local elite were associated with his work in the Far East.

After the return of plenipotentiary Safonov to the power structures, Timur Prokopenko again appeared in the State Duma, now in the high post of press secretary of the State Duma speaker Boris Gryzlov. For a year and a half, Prokopenko was engaged in the PR of the speaker, and we must pay tribute - after his departure to MGER, the chairman of the lower chamber on TV became much less.

The question is - why does Molodaya Gvardiya have an absolutely encrypted Kremlin security official Timur Prokopenko? Maybe to carry out a pre-election "cleansing" of this youth organization? Over the course of several months of his leadership, several key figures in MGER have lost their posts at once. Recently, Prokopenko dismissed the head of the Central Headquarters of the MGER Roman Teryushkov and the chairman of the Public Council of the MGER Alexander Borisov. According to rumors - for financial fraud.

Today it became known that in the Yves Rocher case it was postponed to December 30, and today the entire center of Moscow is cordoned off by police and internal troops in anticipation of an action on Manezhnaya Square. And today, Anonymous International has a new portion of hacked mail, this time belonging to Timur Prokopenko, deputy head of the internal policy department of the Presidential Administration. Navalny is one of the main characters in this correspondence.

Prokopenko, as far as we can judge from the letters, was responsible for the information preparation of the trial against Navalny. The ordered materials organized by him concerned all criminal cases related to Navalny, including the case of Yves Rocher. So, on November 20, 2013, Timur Prokopenko was sent for approval a text entitled “The Navalny case on“ Yves Rocher ”is almost a year old”. On December 2, the same text was posted on the blog by the pro-Kremlin blogger-photographer Yevgeny Lavrov, who writes in LiveJournal under the nickname tesey. The same text is then distributed verbatim on many Internet resources, including on separate sites dedicated to "compromising evidence" against Navalny. (This same Lavrov, as follows from the correspondence, wrote many other custom-made posts about Navalny).

And here is a wonderful one titled “Report on the actions to develop the topic by A.N. September 10 - 12, 2013 " - here Timur Prokopenko is reported on 24 pages with screenshots and examples of how Navalny's topic was “worked out” on the Internet.

On January 24, 2014, he sends Timur Prokopenko a letter with 12 screenshots, in which they discuss business issues, including their sources of information in Alfa Group. Someday, the investigation will probably still establish what exactly Mr. Prokopenko and his subordinates were doing - hacking someone else's mail or forging it. Neither one nor the other, however, falls within the scope of his competence.

On June 19, 2014, a video appears in Prokopenko's mail, which The Insider is already a complete video of a conversation with the janitor Sergei Sotov, who hung his funny pictures on the fences. In the video, Sergey says that he has no complaints about the people who take pictures. However, a criminal case was initiated against Navalny's comrades-in-arms about the "theft of a painting by artist Sergei Sotov", and from this interview a piece about the absence of claims was cut out and posted on the air of the "PE" program on the NTV channel, known for its ordered materials. It is noteworthy that the video appears in Prokopenko's mail on the 19th, and it is on the air of NTV. The submitter of the video, Artur Omarov, is also a well-known personality; he made a career in the radical wing of the Nashi movement called Steel, which has already been at the center of many scandals (including, for example, due to the fact that the manifesto of Steel a literal quote from Goebbels' Ten Commandments of National Socialism).

March 16, 2014 Timur Prokopenko sends a letter to Anastasia Kashevarova from Lifenews (Aram Gabrelyanov's right hand) p. It contains an unsigned deputy request (perhaps at that time the administration had not yet decided which deputy to assign this request to), with the requirement to check how legally Alexey Navalny's assistant is renting an apartment. Stylistically and in meaning, this request so authentically reproduces the genre of Soviet denunciations that The Insider cannot but reproduce it in its entirety:

"To the Minister of Internal Affairs
Russian Federation
Kolokoltsev V.A.

Dear Vladimir Alexandrovich!
March 14 and 15 this year in the media (NTV TV company, RBC agency, etc.; copies are attached) information appeared that during a special operation of law enforcement agencies in the center of Moscow in Maly Vasilkovsky Lane in the apartment of Yuli Kaloev, accused of embezzling 760 million rubles from Sberbank, and hiding from justice , is the home of the famous politician Vladimir Ashurkov.

According to the information received, Vladimir Ashurkov allegedly rented the indicated apartment from Yulia Kaloev for about 1 million rubles a month. At the same time, it is reported that Vladimir Ashurkov, who heads the Anti-Corruption Foundation, has not officially been working for two years.

At the same time, the media, as well as many bloggers, draw attention to the fact that in 2013 Vladimir Ashurkov was involved in a scandalous story with the collection of funds for the election campaign of Alexei Navalny through non-transparent schemes, incl. through Yandex-wallet. According to reports: “The fundraising campaign was accompanied by scandals about“ cutting ”the money of the headquarters, purchasing goods and services for 2-3 times (of the real) cost and the final“ report ”- called by many bloggers and experts a“ phony letter ”, according to which it is not clear the fate of a good ten million. " Taking into account the great public outcry, as well as the fact that the question concerns an organization that, in accordance with its own goals, is engaged in the fight against corruption ("Anti-Corruption Fund"), I ask you to check these facts, in particular:

- To establish whether the lease agreement for the mentioned apartment was officially concluded, and whether taxes on the income of individuals were paid from the income received by Yuri Kaloev from its delivery.

- To establish the amount of funds received on the account of the Anti-Corruption Fund in Alfa-Bank;

- To establish the sources of income of Vladimir Ashurkov for 2013, in particular, to check his personal accounts in the aforementioned Alfa-Bank, City-Bank, as well as other financial institutions;

- To establish the extent to which Vladimir Ashurkov used the funds of the Anti-Corruption Fund, as well as the money received during the election campaign of Alexei Navalny to finance the rent of an apartment worth 1 million rubles a month, and other personal purposes;

Yours faithfully, …"

Cooperation with Anastasia Kashevarova did not stop there - it was she who initiated a number of publications in Izvestia on the so-called - yet another absurd criminal case against Navalny's associates, this time in connection with the participation of Vladimir Ashurkov's common-law wife in projects funded by the Moscow Government. Kashevarova served Prokopenko not only in matters related to Navalny. On March 20, 2014, Prokopenko sent her materials for an ordered article about deputy Ilya Ponomarev - the letter contains informational information that Ponomarev allegedly bribed witnesses during the trial with Sergei Troitsky, as well as a transcript of the "wiretapping" of Ponomarev's negotiations with witnesses. In addition, Prokopenko determines from which commentators Kashevarova should be taken for comment. For example, on March 17, 2014, he sends her the "List of commentators on the US sanctions against Mizulina" - and in only two commentators - the lawyer Kucheren and the chairman of the Russian Red Cross (not to be confused with the International Red Cross) Raisa Lukutseva.

Kashevarova, of course, is not the only journalist serving Prokopenko. So, for example, here is a letter dated November 23, 2013, in which a customized article about Oleg Shein is sent to Moskovsky Komsomolets:

Apparently, the scheme for placing ordered publications in the media by the Presidential Administration is no different from what it looked like, which The Insider has already written in detail about.

But back to Navalny. One of the most striking revelations of the Anti-Corruption Fund in 2014 was a series of materials about where the most prominent deputies and officials bought out plots of land for themselves, the market value of which is much higher than anything they could officially earn in their entire life (and in the declaration of income, these plots and real estate did not figure on them). One of the antiheroes of this revelation was the chairman of the Duma Committee on Economic Policy. The Insider has already written about how Rudensky, worried about the exposure, tried to hush up the story. New interesting details are revealed in Prokopenko's mail. On November 30, 2013, Rudensky, in his defense, posted a post on the Echo of Moscow website. But judging by the correspondence, this post was written not by Rudensky, but by Prokopenko, Rudensky only made minor changes:

Moreover, the letter with this text was also sent to Venediktov not by Rudensky, but by Prokopenko. Venediktov could hardly have known from whom he received the text, but the website does not contain any mention of the involvement of the Presidential Administration in this material.

In addition to Navalny, Ponomarev and Shein, there are other objects of ordered materials in the correspondence, among them, for example, Olga Romanova and Maria Gaidar: the Administration worked on them purposefully during the elections to the Moscow City Duma. Here, for example, Christina Potupchik, sent to Timur Prokopenko on July 17, 2014. On December 19 Potupchik dispatches Prokopenko. And on November 6, 2013, Potupchik sent Prokopenko a denunciation of the owners of Dozhd, spouses Natalia Sindeeva and Alexander Vinokurov, and refers in it to the ntv blogger (Timofey Vasiliev):

Finally, so that it does not seem that the Presidential Administration is engaged only in denigrating opponents, we will give a completely different example of using taxpayers' funds. On June 7, Kristina Potupchik sends Timur Prokopenko under the title "Our Crafts in the DR" - in it - all kinds of banners, graffiti and actions praising Putin, which were made for his birthday in different countries of the world.

In general, the work of Prokopenko's team is intense and versatile. Unfortunately, the correspondence contains only the media plan for October 2013, but it also allows you to create a certain idea of \u200b\u200bthe breadth of the problems covered, among the tasks set: